Rest At Ease: State Power in Arnos Vale’s Sailors Corner

Military graves are often associated with orderliness, and Arnos Vale is no exception. Even in non-military contexts the graves are seen as rigid: think of some network TV actor with teeth “like soldiers’ graves”. It’s commonly expected that military graves be organised and uniform, whereas civilian plots are often decorative and individualised. The questions remaining are why this might be the case, and how an influence is maintained on soldiers’ lives so much that they reflect this in death.

State Power vs(and) Pastoral Power

Foucault argues in “Discipline and Punish” (1977) that since the modern nation-state emerged in the 18th century, the threat of state power has taken on a much subtler form than fear of execution, which was more characteristic of earlier forms of government, like absolute monarchy or feudalism. While violence previously exerted control, now internalised societal norms do. Foucault links this to the beginning of the rehabilitating and reforming prison structure, characterised by lenience and correction being prioritised rather than violence. He argues that state power is still being enacted subtly in this setting, however it is transferred through environmental norms, like the construction of a strict routine and the surrender of personal liberties like privacy. As these conventions are normalised over time people internalise the taught behaviours and begin to self-correct any deviances, conforming to state power without violent influence.

The prison system and the military are both state security institutions containing vast norms of conduct; arguably many of the norms established within the prison sector of the judicial system extend to the military as well. This could extend to one’s last will, ensuring even the body’s posthumous movement occurred within these norms, especially if posthumous ritual was enacted within a military context.

Garcia’s work on pastoral power acts as a means of explaining how state power structures have an influence on ritual surrounding death, with self-discipline continuing posthumously. Pastoral power is explained in two aspects linked to the ability to heal: the first is the aesthetic ideal of the pastoral harkening back to Arcadia and Idyll, an idealised stretching countryside, characterised by a simpler life capable of inner healing; the second is the pastoral relating to the pastor, regarding the power of a priestly or generally religious presence to heal. Both aspects and their intersections are explored in “The Pastoral Clinic” and mingle in the setting of a military gravesite as both an interaction with the environment and a sacred site. Pastoral power normalises salvation as the ultimate healing in a group, and this is sought after through priestly guidance and the landscape in the Espanola Valley setting of “The Pastoral Clinic”. Although in “The Pastoral Clinic” this salvation is reached while alive through rehabilitative processes, which is itself like Foucault’s observation regarding the removal of executionary power in the nation-state, the salvation in Arnos Vale is a posthumous goal.

Combining both approaches helps explain a place of salvatory and military importance, like a soldier’s gravesite.

Arnos Vale and Sailors Corner

Sailors Corner is composed of two evenly spaced lines of forty naval headstones of sailors who died in Bristol hospitals during the Second World War (Figure 1). This is different to many of the other plots, which are often directly next to one another, crooked, ornate either in design or decoration left by visitors, descriptive, and featuring above-ground box plots in a multitude of colours. Sailors Corner is notable as well for the headstones’ smaller shape, muted grey colour, and limited information and decoration, particularly as it comes to characteristics of personality.

The main manifestation of Foucauldian notions of state and pastoral power in the Sailors’ Corner is the internalisation of disciplinary and salvatory norms accumulated in the militaristic setting of the sailors’ service. Militaristic norms of routine and unity are reflected posthumously in the same shape and colour of stone, the same font, the same symbols engraved in the headstone for minimal decoration and the same information given on each of those buried (Figure 1). Foucault argues that a notable difference between typical state discipline and a pastoral power is that the pastoral power is acted on a group, as though a flock of sheep, and as such the uniformity may also reflect influence on a group led by religious rather than state discipline.

For instance, the existence of identical graves in other areas of Arnos Vale suggests under certain circumstances or with certain opportunities one could opt out of being laid in the Sailors’ Corner, exemplifying a multidirectional movement of power and jurisdiction over one’s remains which does not solely depend on the state. This aligns further with Foucault’s (1982) thinking, and thus suggests burial in or out of Sailors Corner is dependent on disciplinary influences in the sailors’ posthumous matters.

Joseph Albert McGill

Foucault argues state power can act subtly through control of the intimate life. In Sailors Corner this manifests as most of the headstones being congregated there, away from their families, but also as the headstones of sailors not in the Sailors’ Corner, like Joseph Albert McGill (Figure 2). Sailors dying in Bristol during the Second World War, not putting their headstone in Sailors Corner, and still retaining their naval headstone in an unrelated plot exemplifies a level of conformity to these norms from not only themselves but their families and estates, as it becomes clearer a member of such oversaw the sailor’s will. This also shows the leading of a different group in these subtle forms of power.

However, although these sailors died in Bristol hospitals, that does not mean they were Bristol inhabitants who would have had family plots in which to be buried: their presence in Arnos Vale at all does suggest instead a Foucauldian subjectivity that would trump this suggestion – their militaristic life was chosen over their familial. Their presence in a military site marks them one-dimensionally as soldiers posthumously, but their presence in a site in Bristol ties their citizenship and their salvation explicitly to the place of their last service, regardless of any familial ties. This works to subjectify them as in service to the state over any other institution and is a further example of Friedman’s display of how the state can exercise control over intimate life, only in a different context.

On his family’s headstone Joseph McGill is considered first a husband, whereas on his sailor’s headstone he is considered most in his connection to the navy. The phrasing on the headstone is particularly subjecting, with Joseph McGill’s occupation in the navy not mentioned, only his rank – the cohort he was part of represented in a record of which ship he served on. The demarcation of ship creates a uniformity and group further to the one relating to norms of routine and the pastoral: each sailor is uniform in death in the Sailors’ Corner, but each was uniform in life as identifiable solely as part of a whole ship, returning to ideas of a group. Further, the inclusion of rank allows for a posthumous exercise of power between those buried, continuing to display power as diffuse. Overall, McGill’s plot suggests the creation of several directions of Foucauldian subjectivity.

For King and Country

Pastoral power becomes most explicit when considering the United Kingdom during the Second World War as a Christian state. State power and the power of the Church exist nearly as one and the same, with much political overlap, such as the presence of bishops in the House of Lords. To serve King and Country, then, as the sailors in the Sailors’ Corner had sworn to do, was to serve a pastoral power and a state power at once, this power thus being multidirectional and subtle in its complexities. There is material evidence in the gravesite for this position of equal prioritisation in the choice of engravings on the sailors’ headstones. Joseph McGill’s (Figure 2) features an anchor and a crucifix at roughly the same size. This suggests an equal importance of both service to the country and faith being pushed by the norms of culture (including symbols) of the military at the time, as well showing the tight partnership of church and state being exercised to create this specific subjectivity.

A second example of pastoral power is the countryside setting of Arnos Vale. A common thread among more propagandising military literature speaks of being granted peace in the rich earth and flowing pastures of the United Kingdom, such as in “The Soldier” by Rupert Brooke or “And did those feet in ancient time” by William Blake. In these situations, the aspect of pastoral power as priestly salvation comes through the rural as conducive to spiritual health and ultimate peace. This connects salvation to a green landscape, like in Idyll and Arcadia, within the context of a burial fit for a British defender. In this way, Arnos Vale’s landscape perfectly encapsulates the promise of the pastoral.

Conclusion

Foucault’s approach to self-discipline and pastoral power, particularly its application by Garcia, is very useful in understanding the networks of self-discipline present in a military setting, even one without any active personnel, like a gravesite. This is certainly true of the United Kingdom, where the State and the Church for a long time were valued as equals, creating a unique intersectional subjectivity of soldiers.

 

Developed from coursework in Social Theories unit at the University of Bristol Department of Anthropology and Archaeology 

Author

Imogen McAra is an MPhil student in Anthropology focusing on English Change Ringing.

Planting Anarchy

Aerial view of the site at Lower Hazel (photo credit HARP,2022). Archaeobotanical specimens (photographed using an AHRC funded Keyence VHX7000 3-D digital microscope (AHRC award AH/V011758/1) at Fort Cumberland Laboratories, Historic England.)
Aerial view of the site at Lower Hazel (photo credit HARP,2022). Archaeobotanical specimens (photographed using an AHRC funded Keyence VHX7000 3-D digital microscope (AHRC award AH/V011758/1) at Fort Cumberland Laboratories, Historic England.)

A recent pilot study investigated the archaeobotanical remains from our medieval site at Lower Hazel in South Gloucestershire. Charred botanical specimens were extracted from soil samples using flotation methodology and then analysed under a microscope to identify them and provide a better understanding for the use of plants in the diet and agriculture of the medieval period*.  

Plants, as biological organisms will decompose with time. Despite this, they can often survive within the archaeological record in myriad ways. The study of plant remains from archaeological sites is known as archaeobotany, and seeks to identify the external morphological features of, for example seeds, through a comparison of the ancient remains with their modern plant equivalents 

Understanding the correlation between people, plants and the environment in which they exist is one of the main aims of archaeobotanical analysis. Plant assemblages can be used to answer questions relating to food such as what certain groups of people were eating and trade in food commodities, as well as questions relating to agriculture including differing approaches to crop cultivation, scales of production, and how these affect the regional flora. By exploring how these vary throughout pre-history and history we can gain better insight into this ever-changing relationship, which is increasingly important when considering existing fears surrounding climate change caused by human activity 

Plant remains range from tiny microfossils such as pollen, to macrofossils, for example grains and seeds. Carbonised plant remains are those most commonly encountered on sites in the UK due to the climate here. These burnt assemblages provide an avenue through which to explore past anthropogenic action, such as crop processing or food preparation processes. The questions that can be asked are dependent upon the site being excavated due to biases in preservation*.

Soil sample processing at Lower Hazel using a siraf-style flotation barrel (Photo credit HARP 2022)
Soil sample processing at Lower Hazel using a siraf-style flotation barrel (Photo credit HARP 2022)

The medieval period characterises a significant stage in British history for the development of diet and agricultural practices in which cultivation of fruits and vegetables broadened and there was a shift from spelt, barley and emmerged as the main cereal crops, to barley, wheat, oat and rye which we still grow today. In addition, disparities in food provisions between different societal classes increased as connections between towns and rural areas developed.  

The study was designed to address the lack of any previous formal environmental investigation at Lower Hazel, and so, soil samples were taken during excavations in May 2022, for the extraction and analysis of any plant remains. Systematic flotation which separates the soil from the botanical specimens, was conducted on site using a siraf-style flotation barrel and sieve meshes of differing sizes in which to ‘catch’ the plant remains. These were then brought to the laboratory for analysis*.  

Although only a small study, it has nonetheless resulted in some interesting contributions to knowledge about the site at Lower Hazel during this period*. 

Charred Triticum aestivum/T. turgidumPhotographed using an AHRC funded Keyence VHX7000 3-D digital microscope (AHRC award AH/V011758/1) at Fort Cumberland Laboratories, Historic England
Charred Triticum aestivum/T. turgidum **

The crop plants found in the samples are indicative of the medieval period (Carruthers and Hunter Dowse 2019:132): wheat (Triticum turgidum/aestivum), and oat (Avena sp.). There is some uncertainty as to which free-threshing wheats are present since the chaff is absent in these samples and this is vital for diagnostic purposes. This is a common problem for archaeobotanical investigation since processing waste for free-threshing wheats would likely be created where it was harvested rather than near settlement buildings, thus rendering it less likely to appear in the archaeological record. The reason for difficulty of identification is due to the distortion of grains which happens when they are exposed to heat. Furthermore, since waste products from cereal processing were utilised in other ways such as for animal fodder or bedding for both humans and animals, as well as in building materials like thatch or daub, they would likely only become charred in a few circumstances such as when used for fuel or tinder  

A single oat specimen was found in the samples, analysed and later radiocarbon dated using the Bristol Radiocarbon Accelerator Mass Spectrometry (BRAMS) facility. The result was an uncalibrated date range of 1031- 1162CE with a 95.4% probability which helped confirmed the theory that the site was in use during the Anarchy period*.  

A specimen of burnt straw as well as tiny fragments of daub were found in samples <2> and <3>. These are likely the materials used for the building structure. The lack of further burnt straw fragments could serve as evidence for the burning down of the property during the Anarchy period since it would indicate that the fire was of an intensity such that no further remains of the thatched roof were left*. 

Fields during the medieval period were sown with combinations of cereals which increased the likelihood of a successful harvest of one sort or another, for example ‘maslin’ (a mixture of rye and wheat) which was sown in winter, and ‘dredge’ (a mixture of oats and barley) which was sown in spring. The individual properties of different cereals often shaped the ways they were used. Just as today, free-threshing wheat was favoured for bread making since it produced the whitest and lightest loaf. Rye produced darker and more dense loaves but was able to survive in more hostile environments. Barley and oats were also used in bread making but both were more commonly used in ale production and for fodder. In addition to their role in medieval diet, cereal crops also had a wide range of other uses which included cereal straw as bedding, in building materials such as thatch and daub, temper for ceramics and as fuel.   

Archaeobotanical evidence shows that medieval fields also contained a diverse range of arable weed floras. These vary depending upon factors such as tillage methods and soil fertility. Understanding whether they are annual or biennial as well as their ecology allows us to identify field environments from which we can better comprehend techniques of production reconstruct seasonal sowing and crop rotation patterns. 

Previous finds from the site by the Thornbury Archaeology Group include large deposits of charred free-threshing grains*. These are morphologically the same as grains retrieved in this investigation which could be seen as evidence that the site is a Norman hunting lodge or Norman manor* since historical documentation indicates that wealthier households consumed a higher proportion of wheat and rye, whereas the poor, ate proportionately more barley. Further research on site could test this theory through examining crop ratios as suggested by Bogaard et al.

* Harman, C. (2023) ‘Planting Anarchy: Exploring archaeobotanical remains from the Lower Hazel 2022 excavation, Undergraduate dissertation, University of Bristol, Bristol. Unpublished

**Charred Triticum aestivum/T. turgidum. Photographed usinging an AHRC funded Keyence VHX7000 3-D digital microscope (AHRC award AH/V011758/1) at Fort Cumberland Laboratories, Historic England

Text and photos taken from an undergraduate dissertation by Charlotte Harman, submitted to the University of Bristol in May 2023.  

Author

Charlotte Harman is a MPhil student in archaeology focusing on archaeobotany